13th October 2014:
The
further I sprinted, the lower the level of ambient noise became;
replaced by the overwhelming surround sound of shouting, screaming
and explosions. I bolted around the left hand corner, only a street away
now, from where the other police units had been. Not much further.
The shield on my right arm had become a dead weight.
The
car hit me and everything went black.
“The
foundations of the state began to be laid with the concept of a 'Big
Society', hailed as a way to transcend religious and class division.
It was designed to provide a feeling of everyone being in this
together”.
The
stage suited him. The flamboyant, intense, bloke I had known for
years had finally found a home. The auditorium was full, a mixture of
students, academics, coppers and the curious. The spring sunshine
streamed in from outside and he paced as he spoke, the nervous energy
I had always known on full display.
“In
the first few years, the civil service and public sectors were
brought in line with the goals of the Government. Albeit, that by
strict political definition, they were radicals, driving what they
called free market liberation. Political opponents were carefully
either absorbed into the coalition and kept in line or, subjected to
intimidation by ongoing leaks to the largely right wing media”.
He
paused to make direct eye contact with a couple of the correspondents
sat in the front rows, then continued with a mischievous smile.
“This
was followed by changes in legislation, quietly at first. A freedom
bill, which subtly changed harassment, opening it up to include
those who criticised ministers or other officials via social media.
All the while measures were introduced to bring local, political
control to the police and justice system; the army became an
increasingly regular sight on home soil and voting boundaries were
changed. Redrawn to address inequities in the 'more difficult to win'
north and Wales”. I caught his eye and he held it for long enough
to tell me that he had been drinking. He was always on top form with
one or two pints. Beyond that he got darker. This was one or two
pints. He worried me but, by God, I was proud of him.
He
left the police and his book exploded over the winter. We hadn't been
in touch as often but I'd watched him, his increasing appearances on
the television since being 'freed' as he called it. When I received
the invitation to this university event there was no way I could miss
it, I just wasn't sure they knew what they had let themselves in for.
By the looks on faces across the room it seemed most of them had
fallen foul of his mojo.
“The
government made moves towards the restriction and abolition of unions
and the Chancellor directly acted on the exchange of employment
rights for compulsory contributions to pensions and a scheme of
shares as a substitute. Those of lower income or unemployment were
stripped of benefits from the state, always under the guise of the
inherited debts of the nation from the previous socialist regime.
Even the disabled were subjected to ongoing checks to have the level
of their ability to contribute to the Big Society assessed. Returns
to work became enforced, with many used to fill temporary posts
without pay, in order to continue to receive any kind of funds from
the state. All were eventually priced out of the housing markets”.
He stopped, looked down, looked around, looked anywhere but at anyone. Across the room I saw people leaning close to whisper. I heard
one, saying that he'd lost his place, muttering about the curse of
inexperience. I knew exactly what he was doing and when the silence
had drawn out long enough to be uncomfortable he exploded back to
life; his voice booming out, with a gleeful solemnity.
“This
could be now. This could be next year. It certainly is a fair
reflection, of the reforms and actions, of the current Conservative
Government”. He paused just long enough to look across the crowd,
seeming to make eye contact with every single person present. “It
could be Nazi Germany, circa 1933”.
I
was stunned. The room recoiled in horror, a physical leaning back by
almost everyone there. There were several sharp intakes of breath.
I
came to, on the floor, gasping. The shield was trapped underneath me
and the helmet felt claustrophobic, but I could not feel pain
exploding anywhere; the new public order armour was pretty robust. I
rolled onto my back. My breathing was still heavy from the running. I
couldn't have been out that long.
I
risked it and sat up, still no major pain but I was a mess of
adrenaline. I could feel it building in my muscles again, in nervous
bundles. I'd feel nothing until tomorrow. At least.
I
shook my head, pushed up the visor and then pushed myself cautiously
to my feet. Everything seemed to be working. A few fireworks flashed in my eyes but even they subsided after a few seconds. I wobbled, then felt okay. That's when I saw the car. A Mercedes, with police markings. A
command vehicle.
It
sat idling at the junction. In the rear view mirror I could see the
eyes of the driver, staring widely at me. I could also make out the
silhouette of a passenger. A Merc meant it was a Commander.
I
started towards the rear of the vehicle and as I did, the reverse
lights came on.
18th
of November 2012: The Dangerous Ideas Blog
I've
asked myself this week how our society, how our democracy has come to
this, the mess that we see laid out before us. The answer, as close
as I can get to it before it runs out of my grasp again, is this:
It's
not that we don't care anymore, not that we've given up. It's that
we care when we aren't working, shopping, drinking, dating, sleeping,
eating, exercising, holidaying or, watching the X Factor.
This
has left our generation open to the exact conditions that make it
possible for us to be swallowed, by whichever tide is strongest,
while we aren't looking.
On
the 18th
of May 2010, The Cabinet Office published a PDF file entitled
'Building
the Big Society':
“Our
Conservative - Liberal Democrat Government has come together with a
driving ambition: to put more power and opportunity into people’s
hands. We want to give citizens, communities and local government the
power and information they need to come together, solve the problems
they face and build the Britain they want. We want society – the
families, networks, neighbourhoods and communities that form the
fabric of so much of our everyday lives – be bigger and stronger
than ever before. Only when people and communities are given more
power and take more responsibility can we achieve fairness and
opportunity for all.”
On
the 17th
of November 2012, following the PCC elections, which it transpires
had the lowest turnout in history, The Telegraph published this
article
about the inquiry which has now been launched.
“An
inquiry is now being carried out by the Electoral Commission into the
turnout, which averaged fractionally under 15 per cent across England
and Wales. In one polling station in Wales no votes were cast, and in
Staffordshire just 11.6 per cent of electors voted.
The
new commissioners and Sir Hugh Orde, president of the Association of
Chief Police Officers, yesterday faced questions over the extent of
their mandate, given that many were elected with the votes of fewer
than five per cent of the people they represent.
Sir
Hugh said: “The individuals have been properly elected in a
democratic process and the issue of numbers is absolutely not one for
chief constables. What we will be looking forward to is working with
these individuals to focus all our resources on keeping the citizens
safe”.
I
find it quite odd that key supporters of this campaign are now
claiming this as a victory for democracy.
For
starters, PCCs are effectively unelected by around 95% of the
population and yet will have absolute control over how 100% of the
population is kept safe. This actually flies in the face of the
principle behind PCCs being the people's voice in policing, speaking
for the many.
Of
course, the huge counter-argument has always been that the Police
Authorities were unelected.
Newsflash:
The Home Office have always controlled the police and direction of
policing, by virtue of a majority in parliament; an election which
always gets a decent turnout and is won on a 'first past the post'
basis.
I've
found a really good and easy to follow summary of the PCC election
results, here and it shows the
simple, end result as follows:
FINAL
STANDING:
Declarations:
41
Conservative: 16
Labour: 13
Liberal Democrat: 0
Independent: 12
Conservative: 16
Labour: 13
Liberal Democrat: 0
Independent: 12
SHARE
OF VOTE:
Labour:
32%
Conservative: 28%
Independent: 22%
Liberal Democrat: 7%
UKIP: 7%
English Democrat: 1%
Conservative: 28%
Independent: 22%
Liberal Democrat: 7%
UKIP: 7%
English Democrat: 1%
Note
that there is an apparent skewing between vote share and elected post
numbers. How has that occurred?
I'm
not convinced it was broadly understood but, the PCC Elections used
second preference voting, which is a derivative of 'AV'. The voting
system is defined here
on one of the election sites:
“Police
and Crime Commissioner elections with three or more candidates use
the supplementary vote system”
The
Electoral Reform Society have a good explanation of second preference
here.
In essence, it is like Alternative Voting but slightly more
questionable.
It's
actually pretty odd that this watered-down AV system was used in the
flagship campaign of the Conservative Party, not least of all
considering the Party
positions on electoral reform, at the 2010 General Election.
“The
Conservative Party manifesto stated - We support the
first-past-the-post system for Westminster elections because it gives
voters the chance to kick out a government they are fed up with
(p67)”
In
fact, in May 2011 there was quite a decisive public vote on the topic
of AV, which had quite a significant turnout, as the BBC show here.
“The
Conservatives backed keeping the existing system, while Mr Clegg's
Liberal Democrats urged change and Labour was split on the issue.
Overall turnout for Thursday's referendum was 42%, with 6,152,607
voters backing the proposal and 13,013,123 rejecting it”.
It
seems that, despite the shared and declared view of the Government
and the people, AV can still be used. But, only when it suits your
purpose. Say, for example your purpose was something like this.
“Lord
Prescott led after the first round of votes in Humberside, but when
second preferences were taken into account the 74-year-old was
overtaken by councillor and Tory candidate Matthew Grove”.
Very strange. I've never seen any benefit to democracy, in this
'second best' system. Very strange indeed.
Not,
however, as strange as this,
which I found during some reading, about the World Wars, over the
remembrance period:
“Following
his appointment as chancellor on January 30, 1933, Adolf Hitler began
laying the foundations of the Nazi state, pronouncing the creation of
a Volk Community (Volksgemeinschaft)—a society which would, in
theory, transcend class and religious differences. The
Third Reich became a police state, wielding increasing authority
through its control over the police. Political
opponents, especially those in the Communist Party of Germany and the
Social Democratic Party of Germany were subject to intimidation,
persecution, and discriminatory legislation. In
the first two years of his chancellorship, Hitler followed a
concerted policy of "coordination" (Gleichschaltung), by
which political parties, state governments, and cultural and
professional organizations were brought in line with Nazi goals.
Culture, the economy, education, and law all came under Nazi
control”.
This
left me feeling incredibly sad for what our future may hold. However,
neither this nor the PCC election has been the only thing on my mind.
This week Sean
O'Neill wrote in The Times about the arrests of five police
officers in Kent, relating to crime detection figures.
“The Times can disclose that the
officers from Kent Police — four men and a woman — were detained
at their police station and questioned over allegations of
manipulating statistics in order to meet crime detection targets”.
Take
a look across Twitter. Open and honest, front line police officers
are screaming that the targets culture has become corrosive, that it
is abused, that offences are downgraded to suit and, potentially, to
feed careers.
It
is important to explore if this is just anecdotal. It would appear,
on just and initial exploration, that it isn't. For an example, let's
take a look at the much hated crime of Burglary; topical again for
reasons of 'use of force' by home-owners.
The
2010/11 British Crime Survey (BCS) estimates there were 745,000
burglaries against domestic dwellings in England and Wales
Just
under a half (293,000) were attempted burglaries where the burglar
failed to gain entry to the home. Of the 452,000 burglaries where
entry was gained, two in five resulted in loss (298,000
incidents). Burglary against domestic premises formed a tenth (8%) of
all BCS crimes measured in 2011.

Although
many burglaries go unreported, incidents of it were well reported
compared to other crimes. Overall, 43 per cent of BCS comparable
crime was reported to the police in 2010/11 but, for burglary, over
eight in ten where something was stolen (84%) and over three-quarters
of burglary with entry (78%) were reported .
The
police recorded 258,148
domestic burglaries in 2010/11 which formed 13% of all recorded
crime.
For
more information click Crime
in England and Wales 2010/11.
This
appears to mean that the police are recording less than 35% of the
burglaries that are occurring. This immediately raises questions. A
long list of them.
Since
the first BCS results in 1981 the number of domestic burglaries
increased, to reach a peak of 1,770,000 incidents in 1995, before
declining considerably and steadily –
in total a decrease in BCS estimated burglary of 62% since 1995.
The
underlying trend in domestic burglaries has been generally flat since
2004/05 despite a small rise in 2010/11.
The
police recorded 258,148
domestic burglaries in 2010/11, a fall of four per cent compared with
2009/10 (268,610) and:
Continuing
the downward trend in recorded domestic burglary incidents since the
introduction of the National Crime Recording Standard (NCRS) in
2002/03.
Overall,
since 2002/03 there has been a decrease in police recorded domestic
burglaries of 41 per cent.
Other
acquisitive crime has also seen similar trends. It is worth noting
that 'Household Theft' as opposed to burglary and 'Other Thefts of
Personal Property' are actually increasing. Could this be the
manifestation of 'Crime Management' phenomenon, arising from the
targets and promotion culture; the one which officers are so clearly
concerned about?
To
work out how best to reduce burglary, the problem must first be
analysed. Once the problem is understood, an intervention that has a
mechanism that is likely to have an impact on the problem can be
chosen. There are a number of mechanisms through which a reduction in
burglary may be achieved. These were identified in the academic study
of Clarke
and Eck (2003) and, constantly, by police officers; many of whom, it
appears, are still not listened to.
Here
we get to the heart of the problem.
The
police record less than 35% of burglaries
AND;
It
appears that there may be an issue whereby crime classifications are
and have been managed, to meet targets, since 2003
SO;
Any
analysis, that is being done to problem solve, may not be complete.
OR;
Worse,
the data may be completely flawed through manipulation.
If
you aren’t recording crime properly, the problem can spiral and you
won't even know, or be able to target resources properly, to use the
right method, to fix it.
One
measure of the success of this is the detection rate (the number of
crimes solved, of those recorded).
Of
all Home
Office Recorded crime, burglary has
one of the lowest sanction detection rates by offence group, at
around 13% 2009/10 and 2010/11. For all crime, the sanction detection
rate was 28% in 2010/11.
I'd
imagine that there would be some pressure to increase that figure. In
fact, it's completely accurate there has been that pressure for
years. You can even see the police detection figures themselves
moving upwards, even as police recorded crime statistics fall.
I've
spoken about it, others have spoken about it, it's been openly
reported. The Times article is proof of it in action; that all is not
well.
This
target culture has grown and has become embedded in the promotion
system, every aspiring leader must now 'evidence' positive
performance to attain and maintain the next rank and pay grade.
I
wrote an essay on leadership back in June, which touched on the very
issue, of no person being able to serve two masters. You can read it
here.
The
questions we all need to think about are these:
How
deep is this manipulation of statistics?
What
has the true impact of this been on the ability to prevent and detect
crime?
Have
people gained from involvement in this and, where are they now?
We've
had enough quick fixes and ideology. This is a matter of true reform
and it's about time it was dragged out and dealt with.
Having
started with one set of questionable figures I finish with another.
More questions I'm afraid but these are the answers we must all now
look for, openly, publicly:
Because
it's right to do so.
As
a society though, are we prepared to make the necessary amount of
time to care, enough to make a difference? Or, are we going to look
away and leave this legacy to our children?
JP.




AV or second preference, whilst I can see the logic behind it, basically it gives a section of the electorate two votes.
ReplyDeleteFor instance, I voted Prescott so my vote was only counted once. If someone voted for the Independent Paul Davison as 1st pref, that vote was scrubbed at the end of the first round, and their second vote taken into consideration.
This is especially relevant as Mr Davison was 3rd, only 640-ish votes behind the eventual winner Matthew Grove. How many of those second preferences would have been for him or any other candidate?
Basically it's theoretically possible for a candidate to be 1st preference on say, 10% of ballots, but 2nd pref on 60% of ballots. Yet because that candidate may be eliminated at the end of the 1st round (as Davison was) then the second prefs for that candidate are not used.
I worked on the Scottish Elections in 2007. Part of that election used AV but it allowed you to rank your candidates in numerical order, as far as you wanted to go. You could rank them 1-10 if you wanted, or just select one or two. There was a multiple-pass system which took second, third, fourth etc preferences into account. The lowest ranked candidate was eliminated in each round. It was very complicated and needed electronic vote counting, but if we're going to do AV then this is the model we should use.
The current method seems designed to ensure that the winning PCCs were party-political members, although I'm sure that's a total coincidence.....